This is
Part 2 of a multi-part series of articles discussing the prediction made by
Snyder a mere two days before the election that won him the governor’s office
and how he has done everything possible to see that his prediction comes true. This
series is just the beginning. I will be publishing a book in August (co-written
with Randa Morris) about the first three years under the Snyder administration.
It was mentioned
in Part 1 that on October 31, 2010, Rick Snyder made the following statement to
the Ann Arbor News in answer to why services need to be consolidated by municipalities.
“Literally there’s a fairly significant likelihood that you could have hundreds of jurisdictions going insolvent in the 2013, 14 time frame, if not sooner. It’s not just a Michigan issue. This is the next hidden national issue.”
No one caught the dire prediction and he was elected by a wide margin. Since gaining office, he has implemented austerity measures much like those attempted by former Governor Engler in the 90s. Many of the policies were directly out the play book of the uber-conservative Mackinac Center for Public Policy, primarily funded by folks like Dick DeVos, and the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), a bill mill primarily funded by the Koch brothers.
In order to
ensure that his “prediction” would come true, Snyder began eviscerating the
state budget as soon as he got into office. His first budget for 2012
(submitted in 2011) claimed huge cuts for education and even larger tax breaks
for large corporations. By cutting funding to education, Snyder deprived school
districts of the needed funding to provide an adequate education. This forced
many districts to the brink of financial despair, and forced several over the
cliff into deficit-land.
As soon as
the original PA4 law was passed March 16, 2011, Snyder also began training
Emergency Managers. Although he assured citizens that he only intended to use
the law “sparingly,” there were more than 400 Emergency Managers trained to
take over school systems and municipalities. When applying common sense and
thinking about the “sparing use” promised by Snyder, one would likely determine
that a maximum of maybe two dozen EMs would be needed to have a fully trained
contingent of personnel to select from in the event an EM was assigned. But yet
there were more than 400 people trained within the first year of the passage of
the law.
Some
people began to see the direction the governor and the legislature were headed
and they began to take action. A recall campaign was started in March 2011,
with ordinary citizens organizing and calling for action. Sadly, the unions
still put their trust in Snyder, the legislature, and smoky, back room deals
made in secrecy.
Shortly
after the recall effort began, a different group of organizers began a repeal
effort to bring the Emergency Manager Law before voters. That effort was
supported by AFSCME 25 and Michigan Forward. They managed to collect enough
signatures to put the matter on the ballot, but faced a legal battle over a
trumped up charge about incorrect font sizes on the petitions. The fontgate
battle against the repeal effort was headed by the same lawyer that argued
against the language in the recall ballot against Governor Snyder.
Eventually
the fontgate issue was settled favorably and the matter of the Emergency
Manager Law, PA4, was put on the November 2012 ballot for voters to decide.
During the same timeframe,
the recall effort failed to gather enough signatures, but did manage to collect
almost 500,000 signatures. Since the effort was an all-volunteer force and the
organizers spent less than $75,000, the volunteers did a phenomenal job.
The
entire recall effort was made without the support of any unions (because they
were double-dealing behind closed doors at this stage in a futile attempt to
avoid the threatened Right to Work legislation) or the Michigan Democratic
Party, which is largely controlled by the power of the unions. In fact, many
unions and the MDP were actively working against the recall effort in 2011 by
sending communications to their members recommending that they not participate,
even as volunteers in any recall efforts.
In spite of that, there were numerous
union members actively gathering signatures, and especially many MEA teachers,
who saw the writing on the wall before union leadership admitted it. Those teachers should be commended for their participation, determination, and drive to make things right for the state against the desires of their union leaders.
At
the same time as the recall against the governor and the repeal effort for PA4,
there were petitions filed against every sitting Republican Senator and many
Republican Representatives. In total, there were more than 30 recall petitions
running simultaneously in an effort by the citizens to stop the bloodbath that
was unleashed in early 2011. A few haphazard petitions were filed against
Democratic Representatives by the Tea Party, in an attempt to threaten them
into voting for the cracked policies of the GOP/Tea Party in the House and to
use their influence to make the citizen-led recall efforts stop.
This is the end of Part 2. As this continues, please bear in mind that many more details will be revealed in the book coming out in August. Stay turned for Part 3 coming out soon.
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